The Woke Right: How Conservatives Learned to Love Victimhood

Grievance politics isn’t just for the left anymore—why the right’s new identity playbook mirrors the very thing they claim to despise.

In the past few years, political commentators have spilled a lot of ink trying to dissect the cultural shifts happening within the American right. One of the more interesting—and frankly, amusing—labels to emerge from this discourse is the idea of the "Woke Right," a term coined by anti-woke evangelist James Lindsay. For those unfamiliar, Lindsay argues that certain factions of the right have begun adopting the very same identity-driven, grievance-oriented strategies that they claim to despise in the progressive left.

It’s an ironic development, but not a surprising one. If the last decade has taught us anything, it’s that modern conservatism isn’t as ideologically rigid as it likes to pretend. It has proven itself more than willing to appropriate whatever rhetorical tools it needs to maintain power—even if those tools come wrapped in the same social justice language it mocks on a daily basis.

What Is the "Woke Right"?

Lindsay’s critique focuses on figures and movements within the conservative sphere who lean heavily into identity politics, particularly around issues like religion, race, and gender. Whether it’s Ron DeSantis framing white conservatives as victims of systemic discrimination or Tucker Carlson’s nightly sermons on the plight of the "forgotten American," the Woke Right isn’t afraid to position itself as an oppressed class fighting against an elite ruling order.

This brand of grievance politics has all the markings of left-wing activism—claims of marginalization, calls for solidarity among the “oppressed,” and demands for corrective action. The key difference is that instead of advocating for racial justice, gender equality, or workers’ rights, the Woke Right's banner is hoisted in defense of Christian nationalism, white identity, and the protection of traditional hierarchies.

Ironic, But Not Unprecedented

The obvious irony here is that for years, conservatives lambasted the left for its perceived obsession with victimhood. "Facts don’t care about your feelings," they said, while building an entire media ecosystem designed to whip up feelings of resentment and persecution among their base. Now, they’ve simply dropped the pretense.

This isn’t a new phenomenon. Richard Nixon’s "Silent Majority," Pat Buchanan’s culture war rhetoric, and even the Tea Party’s messaging were all exercises in cultivating victim narratives. What distinguishes the Woke Right is how explicitly it mirrors the language of social justice movements—going so far as to reframe diversity programs as discriminatory against white people or to claim that traditional gender roles are under attack by an oppressive "woke elite."

Why This Matters

The Woke Right’s ascent is less about ideological coherence and more about political expediency. By adopting the tools of the left, conservatives have found a way to maintain their relevance in an era where simple free-market rhetoric doesn’t resonate as deeply. The appeal to identity, community, and shared grievance is a powerful mobilizing force, and the right has recognized that power.

For progressives, this development presents a challenge. It’s easy to dismiss the Woke Right as hypocritical, but that doesn’t make it ineffective. The left must grapple with the fact that identity politics—whether wielded for equity or hierarchy—can galvanize people. The difference lies in the outcomes those politics seek to achieve.

The Woke Right isn’t about dismantling power structures; it’s about reinforcing them under the guise of victimhood. Recognizing that distinction is crucial for anyone hoping to counter its influence. In the end, the best way to combat the Woke Right isn’t to laugh at its contradictions, but to expose the hollowness of its grievances and to continue advocating for a politics rooted in genuine justice, not manufactured outrage.